Fuzzy little things that I find interesting.

Political musings from someone who thinks the S-D curve is more important to politics than politicians.

Month: June, 2019

Why I never wanted to be a lawyer.

The Great Courses: Law School for Everyone

So, always fascinated by new things, I saw on my feed that they dropped the price on this course from nearly $500 to $50–and I bought it. So far, watched the first two videos.

It’s fascinating as hell.

But it also gives me some insight into why I never wanted to be a lawyer in the first place.

In part, there is something comforting about running a compiler and seeing your code work. And while that is never a guarantee you did everything right–the better you get as a software developer the more assurances you have that your code is functioning as designed.

(Of course, I’ve noticed a trend in recent decades of folks who are rejecting the “craftsmanship” movement within software development–which, alongside the rejection of expertise–worries me greatly. But that’s another rant for another day.)

But in part because:

“Because of the importance of law to the functioning for our country, lawyers have long played a prominent role in American society. More than half of the 45 U.S. Presidents have been lawyers. So are many members of Congress, most judges, and many prominent leaders in business and banking.

“You will certainly see lawyers at work if you go to a courtroom. But lawyers are also often the people who lead large corporations or help them do business or merge with one another. Lawyers also frequently run our various administrative agencies, which govern things like taxes, the environment, the Internet, elections, and the financial markets.”

Later in the video we’re reminded that in order to join the members of the elite, the proud, those who manage and control our country, one only needs to go to law school and pass the bar examination.

And, frankly, that set my teeth on edge.


Don’t get me wrong. Law is vitally important and lawyers have an important role to play in our society. And the supremacy of the law in our daily affairs is vital in order to assure trust between members of our society: to assure, for example, when you go to the grocery store the milk you buy is fresh and wholesome.

But that’s because without trust between strangers in economic transactions, a free market society cannot function. Without trust between strangers on the street that they will allow you to pass unharmed and be friendly if you wave hello–we quickly become a tribal society, incapable of seeing past Dunbar’s Number, the limit on the number of human beings we can have relationships with, which is around 150 people and is a physiological limitation of the human brain.

However, arguing that we are a nation of laws, therefore lawyers are our natural and intrinsic leaders–that creates a world where all the other professions: doctors, architects, engineers, designers, and yes, software developers–are seen as not having anything substantial to contribute to the management of laws in our country, beyond “expert testimony.”

Worse–it creates a mindset that our country is to be managed by laws. A mindset which reaches the extremes by folks advocating for socialism–that what is mine, along with my work product and my work time–is to be administered by these same administrators.


I’m fascinated by the law. I’m fascinated by lawyers. I know several lawyers–all of them the nicest folks you’ll ever meet. I also happen to have a lawyer on retainer for some legal issues, and I’ve employed lawyers in the past for various reasons.

But this idea that lawyers are the natural leaders of the United States–no. I’m sorry. But just… no.

The rest of us also have something to say about all of this.

Have you noticed no-one seems to care anymore?

Humanitarian Needs Overview: Syria

I still think the United States can absorb a million of them fairly easily if those who have been displaced wish to leave Syria entirely.

But notice: too many European countries are unable to absorb anymore (and wish to expel the ones who are there) because European countries are very much defined by their culture and heritage. The United States is not–which is why trucks are being driven through crowds by disaffected Muslim immigrants in Nice and not in Dearborn.

Also notice that the only cultural constant we have in America is our respect for individualism and our disdain for authoritarianism and centralized power. We actually believe in our founding creed that all men are created equal and have the inalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness–a belief that can be found behind most of our modern political debates today. This means that in order to be an American, you don’t need to change religions or language or accent or style of dress or the foods you eat–you simply need to believe in our creed. And by truly believing, you can be just as American as the guy whose roots can be traced back to settlers in the early 1600’s.

But Democrats in our country today don’t seem to care about anything except “Orange Man Is Bad”–at least if what I see on my Facebook feed and on the evening news and on various news blogs is any indication. And Republicans have been distracted by NGOs who are paying to transport thousands of central- and south-American refugees to flood the borders in some sort of PR stunt that is just pissing everyone off, including the immigrants themselves who are being used as cannon fodder in all of this.

We no longer have a loyal opposition. Instead, we have a bunch of bat-shit crazy folks screaming into the dark–only concerned about one man in a position of power and no longer showing concern for the real problems around the world.

So we’ve stopped caring about what’s happening in Syria.

Which is a shame, because as the Syrian civil war ramps down, a million Syrian-Americans would serve as a very powerful and useful bridge–helping by sending their own money to Syria and elevating the plight of Syria to the rest of America.


At this point you may be asking about my own beliefs on immigration. So let’s be clear:

(1) In an ideal world I would like to see open borders. Europe may like its special cultures–but things change, and I have little patience for those who wish to preserve their own supposed special status in the world.

(2) In the real world, I know open borders are impractical. And I agree with Republicans that our borders and our immigration laws need to be properly enforced. Fairness is fairness, and laws that are not enforced or selectively enforced is just bullying.

(3) However, our immigration laws as they stand are a hot mess and have been since at least World War II. Which means we need at least a modicum of sympathy for those caught in the teeth of our justice system. If you can explain, in less than 100 words, the details of how immigration works in the US–including the various visas and the path to citizenship and its pitfalls, you get a gold star.

(4) We need to be spending a lot more on our border patrol, detainment centers and the like. Some Democrats seem to be taking the position of “starve the beast”–helping to create horrific conditions on the border (by refusing to fund expanded detainment and processing centers), then riding the wave of voter support as complaints about deplorable conditions grow. Shitting in your water so you can be the one to complain about shit in the water is not a way to run our country–though both parties do this from time to time.

(5) Our path to legal immigration status needs to be greatly simplified. It should not take a damned decade to become a naturalized citizen. And it shouldn’t take a damned lawyer to navigate.

(6) I strongly disagree with Republicans who want to reduce the total number of legal immigrants. There is good evidence that in the long term–over a decade–increased immigration helps the economy. (Just as I disagree with Democrats about lowering taxes–which take at least a decade for their full effects to kick in as well. If you flip the thermostat on for five minutes then conclude “well, the house isn’t any cooler; the air conditioner isn’t working; may as well turn it off”–you’re an idiot.)

(7) There are small victories in all of this. I’m glad to see the US increase H-2B visas for temporary workers and H-2A visas for temporary farm workers. Back in the 1960’s, before the hero of the unionization movement Cezar Chavez demanded they be made illegal, we had a thriving Bracero program where Mexican workers could flood into California to help with the harvest–then freely return home when the work was done. A lot of our illegal immigration crisis would be resolved if we stopped actively prosecuting temporary workers and instead gave them a legal path to come and go as temporary work is available–because a lot of them, if they could (and knew it would not harm their chances of returning next year) would undoubtedly return home.

(As proof I offer the fact that remittances back to Mexico makes up a sizable percentage of the Mexican GDP. People who illegally enter the United States who sends money back home to Mexico clearly still have ties to where they came from.)

(8) Both parties need to stop fucking around with immigration and get serious about reforming our overly complicated, overly difficult and overly stupid immigration laws–laws which both sides seem to actively flout, because both sides, at some level, know they’re broken.

And it’s a hard problem–because unlike Europe, ours is a nation of immigrants: and it’s hard to know who “belongs” and who “doesn’t belong”.

To me, that means we need less posturing and more thoughtfulness.

Of course our personalities are shaped by our physicality.

“We tend to think of our looks as separate from who we are. But it turns out that physical traits like height or attractiveness may shape our personalities, behaviours, even politics.”

We often think of our personalities and beliefs as reflecting the essence of who we are – whether shy or outgoing, commitment-phobic flirt or devoted partner, left-wing or right-wing. And we like to think that these traits derive from cerebral, moral or even spiritual sources. The idea that these aspects of ourselves might instead, at least in part, reflect a strategic adaptation to our physical size and appearance remains for now a controversial theory….

Of course our appearance drives our personalities. To me that’s not a “controversial theory”; that’s a painfully obvious fact.

And our personalities are shaped by our appearances because we are fundamentally social creatures constantly surrounded by others, constantly seeking–as Adam Smith once observed–“not only to be loved, but to be lovely.”

If you consider that those around us, whose approval we naturally seek, are often prejudiced and often wish to categorize the world simplistically–to frame the world in a way which is easy to comprehend with little mental effort–then the ramifications of wanting to be loved and to be lovely are frighteningly deep.

Worse, there is evidence that people–thanks to an instinct towards tribalism and towards evaluating strangers around us within five seconds to determine if they’re “friend” or “foe,” to determine how they may fit into our lives–it means that our appearance fundamentally drives how people love us and see us as lovely. And if our behavior fails to fit this five second evaluation–we become discordant; a square peg in a round hole, behaving in ways which do not fit the five second evaluation we were subjected to on first meeting.

(Of course for our closest friends and loved ones with whom we spend a lot of time, they have time to re-evaluate us. That is, of course, assuming their five second evaluation permitted us within their close sphere of friends.)


The ramifications of this is quite deep.

You’re a 100 pound 20-something woman who is relatively short, slender and a proportionate chest. You’ve dressed well for your body proportions; you’re clean, wearing a modest dress.

The five second evaluation: “cute”, “pretty”, “sexy.” The attributes which accompany this generally are “cheerful” or “fun” or “happy.” Subtexts include “helpless” or “in need of protection”, and in the ever present biological drive for reproduction, the male of the species may be drawn to you in the way we may be drawn to help a helpless kitten.

Notice what I have not said about you: I have not said anything about your intelligence or intellectual curiosity. I have not said a thing about your politics or beliefs or religion. I have not said a blasted thing about your inner world: about the things that are interesting to you or the things you may want or desire or need. Not a thing about your hobbies or your wishes for the future.

None of that is apparent in five seconds.

But wait, it gets worse!

Because of that five second evaluation, the people who meet you immediately want to put you into mental “grooves”–they are upset when you fail to honor their expectations of “cheerful” or “fun” or “happy.” You become a discordant person–a square peg in a round hole–if you aren’t a helpless kitten, playing the script your body has defined for you within seconds of meeting.

You stop being lovely–and stop being loved, the object of praise and praiseworthiness.

Now as we get older it becomes easier for us to be discriminating–to see the fools around us and to realize that we may not want to be seen as lovely or praiseworthy by everyone. It becomes easier, in other words, to say “fuck you” to the scripts we are expected to play.

But as children and young adults–that’s a much harder thing to do.

So for that 100 pound 20-something who really wanted to be an astrophysicist, but who has received all her life the constant message that to be loved and to be lovely she needs to play the part assigned to her by circumstance of genetics–from parents, teachers, friends, acquaintances, co-workers, fellow students–life beats you down. Shoves you into its mould. It’s easier to learn to act helpless and perhaps a little dumb and perhaps to be lovely by playing the script than the ever harder path of learning mathematics and physics and astronomy.

In a sense, the growing transgender movement and the desire to obliterate pronouns makes sense if one sees it as a rebellion against the scripts we are expected to follow.

The scripts that require us to play a part if only so we can be loved and lovely.


This doesn’t just apply to our hypothetical cute young astrophysicist who would rather be seen for her intellect than for her body by a world who wants to evaluate her in five seconds.

You see it in young boys; the larger you are at a young age the more the expectation is that you should be drawn to sports (and away from academics). Blacks have a particularly hard time because in our initial five second instinctual “friend or foe” evaluation, a young male with dark skin is seen as a hazard. Me, if I were to put on the right clothing I would be mistaken for a bouncer at a night club: brutish, dumb, intellectually vapid but I sure can toss a drunk to the curb.

The scripts defined by our stereotypes of others tend to become self-fulfilling prophecies, since we tend to punish those who fail to fit the stereotypes as discordant, intellectually challenging square pegs who fail to fit our round holes. God damn it, you’re supposed to be cute; stop talking to me about Chebychev polynomials and planetary orbit curve fitting!


I’m glad that the BBC is starting to catch on, as are others.

But I don’t see it as a “controversial theory.”

In fact, I see it as a natural consequence of two factors: (a) our desire to be loved and to be lovely, and (b) the prejudices and stereotypes those around us who shaped our lives as we grew up.

Who told us to stop striving in science because we would make a better football player.

Who tells us not to take typing because that’s for girls.

Who tells us not to take math because that’s for boys.

Who sidles up to us, obviously attracted to our bodies, then gets upset when what comes out of our mouths is intellectually challenging.

Who fears us because our skin color is wrong.

Who crosses the street to avoid us because we seem physically intimidating.


And it means two things we all need to learn.

First, never be afraid of being the discordant personality, failing to fit other people’s expectations. If you are a 100 pound slender woman but you want to be an intellectual powerhouse–become that intellectual powerhouse. It may be a lonlier path when you’re young–but it will be a much more rewarding path as you grow older.

Second, and I cannot stress this enough: discard your five second evaluation after you meet someone. Be more intellectually curious about those around you. Be willing to ask questions of those you meet. Be willing to be wrong.

And by doing that you give others the room to be themselves rather than what society wants to hammer them into.

Memes.

Newest Facebook meme: “Freedom is not a zero-sum game.”

Well, neither is wealth.

And those who believe wealth is a zero-sum game are often the biggest threats to freedom.

Friction.

Charlie Warzel: ‘You Care More About Your Privacy Than You Think’

Sharing to riff off the following quote:

“Friction is largely underrated in user experience design.”

We have a dozen terms for this idea, “friction.”

Those who consider voter ID racist are really talking about “friction.”

When we complain about poorly designed signage or poorly designed informational presentations, we’re really talking about “friction.”

When we discuss “choice” and the irony of choice–the irony that those facing the most choices are the least happiest–we’re really talking about “friction.”

Friction is anything which increases cognitive load. Friction is anything which forces us to stop and ponder a choice, which interferes with our “flow”, which requires us to think.

And frictions–deliberate or accidental–are all around us.


While we may all prize thinking, forcing us to think about things which we didn’t want to think about can actually be headache inducing: that chunk of meat between your ears actually consumes 1/4th of your total caloric intake. And that consumption rate goes up when we are forced to think.

Companies like Facebook take advantage of this: pretending to be transparent while writing privacy policies that are harder to read than “War and Peace.” Allowing quick “click-through” agreements that allow people to “agree” to stuff they never read–including agreements to invade your privacy and summarize you to advertisers for supposed rewards that are rarely (if ever) help advertisers in the first place.

The saddest part is that many of us, having experienced the friction ourselves, often have contempt for those of us who have yet to navigate the friction–almost as if, in all the frictions of our ever-complex society, we suffer from Stockholm Syndrome: we actually come to sympathize with those people, events, ideas or interactions which at first punished us for not knowing. Like we’ve somehow gained entrance into a secret society and fuck you for not following.


There are two ways people have actually attempted to address this supposed problem.

The first–reduce choice. That is, reduce cognitive load by having other people think for you.

Conceptually this is an easy answer–but it flies in the face of freedom, and actually creates frictions of its own as people wonder why they can’t have what they want, and why they’re not permitted to create what they want.

The end of this road is totalitarianism: people being told where to live, what job they can have, and which lines to stand in to get bread–thing we saw in the Soviet Union (yes, your job was assigned by The State) before its collapse.


The second–and a much harder choice, because it actually puts greater burden on those who know and who create–is better informational design.

Headers which summarize a privacy policy, with the body written in plain text rather than in “legalese.” Organizing information hierarchically according to The Magic Number Seven, Plus or Minus Two. (Meaning organize text into ‘chapters’ or ‘sections’ of related information, with no more than seven sections (give or take), each which may contain around seven components per section. If more information needs to be shared in each component, break those into subcomponents numbering no more than seven. And so forth.

(By the way, the idea of 7 is powerful: have no more than seven menus in a menu bar (give or take) with each menu containing no more than seven groups of related menu items containing no more than seven items each. Hide grouped information under submenus if necessary–for example, a menu item “Font >” could hide a submenu containing its own menu (organized as above) that allows you to set the font name, size, and the like.)

Use good informational design. That is, select fonts for section headers and subsection headers that are scaled up by at least 50% (ideally more) so they visually stand out–and alternate serif and sans-serif fonts to make them stand out. Summarize sections into a short paragraph–even if the paragraph is marked “summaries only exist to help the reader and are not legally binding” or whatever.

Learn to communicate choice. Do not deliberately confuse people. Give clear roadmaps. Mark things with “you are here.” Use standard informational affordances: for example, on a web page underlines mark links; don’t hide underlines unless you have a different affordance (like, say, a rectangular region that looks like a button did before we decided buttons don’t have rectangles).

In other words, don’t be obscure, be willing to neutrally share all sides (if there is a choice beyond “agree” or “disagree”), have processes which can be undone where possible–and more importantly, have the heart of a teacher.

Even if people who suffer from informational Stockholm Syndrome think you’re being stupid or silly or shallow.

Because things that look easy are really hard to make.


The second path does not sacrifice choice but it does place a greater responsibility on those who know to properly help those who don’t.

And as I’ve gotten older I’ve come to believe those of us with specialized knowledge–and in our modern economy that’s a great percentage of us–have a moral obligation to be patient and to help teach and help assist those of us who don’t.

Sometimes you need more information to render judgement.

Headline making the rounds:

United States Spend Ten Times More On Fossil Fuel Subsidies Than Education

Sounds bad, right? I mean really, really bad. Like “we should be up in arms with pitch forks and torches” bad.

Now, take a moment to read the bullet points below the headline:

US spent on these subsidies in 2015 is more than the country’s defense budget and 10 times the federal spending for education.

So the first place we are being misled is: “federal spending for education.”

Remember: schools in the United States are primarily local affairs; receiving funding from local, state and county sources rather than from the Federal Government. In fact, when added all up, we spend roughly 5.5% to 6% of our total US GDP (around $21.05 trillion) on education, from educational sources alone. (One source I found adds it all up at around $1.14 trillion per year.

Of which the Federal contribution is about 13% of that, or roughly $156 billion, according to the same source.

Which, intuitively makes sense, since you cannot drive around the United States without seeing a neighborhood elementary school or high school somewhere within walking (or a short drive) of where people live.

(Keep in mind this is not an argument for or against education spending, only an observation of just how much we’re already spending.)


Even so, that $649 billion the IMF says we’re spending on “fossil fuel subsidies” is a hell of a lot. So is it time to get out the pitch forks and torches?

Well…

Sometimes it helps to really understand what’s going on by going to the report itself rather than relying on the article. That way we can judge for ourselves if the indictment of the article–which goes in at great length about the negative externalities of fossil fuel consumption, as if we weren’t already aware–is actually well founded.

And here, on page 7, you find a curious definition:

It is helpful to distinguish two different notions of fossil fuel subsidies. One is a narrow measure, termed pre-tax subsidies, reflecting differences between the amount consumers actually pay for fuel use and the corresponding opportunity cost of supplying the fuel. In contrast, a broader measure, termed post-tax subsidies, reflects differences between actual consumer fuel prices and how much consumers would pay if prices fully reflected supply costs plus the taxes needed to reflect environmental costs and revenue requirements.

In other words, we’re not talking about direct subsidies at all here–that is, we’re not talking about the amount of money that energy corporations are receiving in tax benefits or how much agencies like the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program help the poor consume more energy (to heat their houses)–which also technically count as a subsidy to the energy industry.

We’re talking about estimated externalities–including supposed increased health care costs due to pollution, and potential future damage due to anthropomorphic global warming.

And that’s a different animal, entirely.

Because it means that the report is not, in fact, saying the United States is writing a $649 billion dollar check each year to Exxon-Mobile. In fact, the Energy Information Agency puts that number far lower–and most of those subsidies are going to renewable energy sources, not to fossil fuel energy sources.

Instead, it’s trying to put a dollar amount on air pollution–which, while a worthwhile endeavor, is a very fuzzy one–because when you see an increase in the rate of strokes, heart disease and lung cancer, is that directly due to pollution? Or due to other factors unrelated to pollution?

Well, the IMF went with door number one here:

The second factor is baseline mortality rates for exposed populations for four fatal illnesses— strokes, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, ischemic heart disease, and lung cancer—whose prevalence is increased by inhaling/ingesting fine particulates. The mortality rates, for those over 25,23 are taken from WHO (2017) and are more accurate than estimates used in Parry and others (2014) as the latter (due to data constraints at the time) were based on regional averages. Baseline mortality rates vary significantly across countries (Table 1, third column) and are relatively high in Russia and Ukraine (countries with relatively high prevalence of heart and lung disease from alcohol and cigarette consumption).

The third factor is ‘concentration-response functions’ for each of the four illnesses, that is, the proportionate increase in an individual’s mortality risk as a function of the ambient PM2.5 concentration. Based on Burnett and others (2013, 2014), these relationships are taken to be the same across countries and linear, with each 10 microgram/cubic meter increase in ambient PM2.5 concentrations increasing the prevalence of strokes, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, ischemic heart disease, and lung cancer by 15, 5, 8, and 7 percent respectively. Some new research suggests that mortality may be dramatically more responsive to PM2.5 exposure than previously thought—hence our air pollution cost estimates might be quite conservative—though our preference is not to use this new information until it becomes the consensus estimate in the health literature.

The key points here are: “these relationships [between air pollution and disease] are taken to be the same across countries and linear”–meaning a rise in strokes and heart disease is read by the IMF as a rise in air pollution, and not driven by other factors such as the spread of a more fatty meat-based diet, or the rise of the use in process sugars in the food stream.

Which is important to keep in mind when you’re as old as me and remember smog being so bad in Pasadena that seeing the mountains behind Caltech was a rare occurrence. (I remember being at Caltech for nearly a month in the summer in 1983 before I had even seen the mountains–and I remember being shocked when I looked up one day and there they were.)

Meaning that while we certainly have miles to go before we have a cleaner environment–we cannot ignore the great strides that have already been made. And that are being made with things like smoke stack scrubbers and other processes that are being used to capture and filter out pollutants in the United States, as well as the great strides that have been made making cars pollute much less and get much better gasoline mileage than before.

And perhaps all those externalities that the IMF links to higher pollution (and thus, higher “post-tax subsidies”) may in fact be because we’re spending more time eating sugary fatty foods and less time exercising. (Which is also a problem–but a completely different one than the IMF is purportedly investigating.)


I don’t mean to dispute the working paper. Obviously I’m just some idiot with a blog.

But my point here is that before you think we’re writing trillion dollar checks to energy companies while our children are left rotting in the streets–actually drill down into the information and see what is really being said.

A dose of skepticism and a dose of curiosity will go a long ways.

A Standard Disclaimer.

Periodically I find amongst friends, especially in this day and age, that people seem to misunderstand what I’m doing here with my comments. They think, for example, that a criticism I may share of something like the “Green New Deal” means I’m shilling the standard Republican party line, which then somehow makes me homophobic or something–seems absurd to me.

But this day and age is full of groups trying to anger us or frighten us in order to get us politically involved without questioning why–and that leads to tribalism: you’re either with us or you’re against us.

So let me outline a few things.

First, I am not shilling for any political party or political tribe.

Shilling for a party often involves party apologetics as one justifies the failings of one’s own party as being less problematic than the failings of the other political party. And frankly, at my age, I find this boring and predictable.

Worse, by becoming a party apologetic, most people stop thinking for themselves–they stop questioning the philosophical and ideological basis of their thinking, outsourcing it to a group of people who fundamentally only want power.

Because at its core, that is what a political party is: a group of people seeking to hold power together. Party positions, as I’ve learned in my more than half-century on this planet, are often taken by political parties only as required to hold power.

Second, when I use certain labels without definition (“republican”, “conservative”, “fiscal-conservative”, “right-leaning”, “capitalist”) to describe myself, or other labels (“democrat”, “left-wing”, “progressive”, “socialist”) to describe others–take it as me vaguely waving a hand at a map of the world, generally gesturing to one continent or anther.

That is, I’m using these labels as a ‘short-cut’ to a generally accepted general definition of these terms. But it’s just general hand-waving; don’t read too much into them. For example, if I describe myself as “Republican” because I happened to be a registered Republican in the 2016 elections, do not take it that I’m against abortion (I’m pro-choice), or against immigration (I believe laws need to be loosened so immigrants can more easily enter this country), or one of a hundred other political beliefs either promulgated by the Republican Party or claimed by the Democratic Party. (Slurs by Democrats are particularly egregious; I’ve had people claim I’m “anti-woman,” and “homophobic,” for example. Of course I also acknowledge slurs by Republicans at Democrats; if you claim to be a Democrat I’m not going to automatically believe you’re a Godless communist-anarchist who wants to destroy capitalism and send us all back into the stone age. You only told me what party you’re likely to vote for–which in this day and age tells me nothing about your beliefs.)

And yes, I understand that these labels are not only imperfect, but are constantly being redefined on social media to one party or another’s political requirements in order for them to seek power at the expense of the other. Which is why if I want to talk in detail about these items, I’ll try to define what I mean rather than use the short-cut.

Third, if I post a comment showing disagreement with a Republican Party platform item, please do not try to convince me to switch party registration or to vote for someone else. I find such comments boring; see my comments about “party apologetics” above.

Fourth, the vast majority of my political posts are me complaining about something which is of concern to me. Usually that involves hypocrisy–like a rich white person lecturing poorer darker-skinned people on the horrors of being rich and white. Or lectures by someone who has it all trying to let folks who have far less than they do why accumulating stuff is morally wrong.

They may also involve issues of economics, which is, at the bottom of the stack, really involve what people want and the countless economic decisions (really, personal choices) people make in their lives. One of the most egregious topics of conversation revolves around trying to reshape the economy, as if the economy is some sort of machine whose gears we’re trapped in, rather than the collective expression of our desires and wants. Why this bothers me is because in attempting to “tune the machine” what is really happening are powerful people telling us what we want is wrong, and we shouldn’t have so much of it.

That often comes dripping in hypocrisy as well–such as the hypocrisy of banning inexpensive sugary sodas while exempting more expensive sugary coffee drinks which may have even less nutritional value. (Throw in a paean about how this ban “helps the poor” make “better choices” and you’ve hit my personal trifecta of bullshit: forcing choices, exempting yourself, and lecturing those you think are inferior to yourself.)

Fifth, at the bottom of my own personal philosophical stack, I honestly believe in the freedom of man. That is, I sincerely believe in those words in the Declaration of Independence that all men are created equal and endowed with certain inalienable rights, amongst which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

Expounding on this, I truly believe that man has the right to live as he will; to create and think as he will, to love as he will, to work as he will and to rest as he will, amongst others.

I sincerely believe that these rights are the only true way we can do due justice to our individuality and ability to reason and perceive the world, and for every man (and woman, ‘natch) to seek to chart his own course through the universe.

And I earnestly and honestly believe that these rights are not just a statement of “yeah, sure, that sounds nice,” never to be given a second thought. I believe these rights (and others) are unfathomably deep–running through the core of culture and politics and economics.


For example, consider the right to work as you will.

What is work?

Work is not toil. If we only had the right to toil as we will–we would be no better than the slave who has the choice of serving in the master’s fields, the kitchen or the bedroom. We would have no power, in other words, to use work in order to better ourselves and improve our own lot in life; the best we can do is choose how we better our master’s lot in life.

Work, however, is necessary to our survival. That is, when you see a bird of prey swoop down to catch its meal, or see a beaver build a dam, or watch coyotes hunt or hedgehogs dig a burrow–we’re watching “work” in action. We’re watching animals take actions in order to insure their survival and comfort.

Work is, in essence, effort expended towards our survival and comfort. Some “work” may not even really seem like work to us–but the result is the same: the effort you put into the kitchen combining ingredients and baking in an oven then covering with a frosting turns into a cake. Other work may seem pointless to us except for the salary we receive at the end of the day: either as we directly exchange that cake for money, or exchange other efforts on our part for money.

And if we have the right to work as we will–this has some very deep consequences. One of which is the implication that we have the right not just to toil as we wish for our master’s comfort–but that we have the right to enjoy the results of our own toil–to earn money as we wish and to spend that money as we wish on things we may need, want or desire.

So if you believe we have the right to work as we will, that implies far more than the choice to service our master’s fields, kitchen or bedroom. That implies that we have the right to make or do things and individually enjoy–and control–the results of our action.

This implies some sense of property and ownership: ownership is the exclusive control of the products or services we create through our effort. Without it, and someone could simply confiscate the cake we baked above without us being able to stop it.

It also implies some sort of medium of exchange: we have the right to exchange our products or services with others in exchange for a medium of exchange–money–which we can then trade with others.

Now we may not like what we’re compensated for our efforts. And we may bristle that others seem to have more than us.

But that’s not an excuse to put others into slavery just to satisfy our own aesthetic annoyance that someone else seems to also be benefitting from putting our efforts together with the efforts of others in a large group or organization.

Of course if your chosen profession is to repress others–to burn books or to assault people who think and write bad things–well, we may be able to sympathize with the idea that perhaps this is the only way you can keep food on the table and a roof over your heads. But perhaps you may wish to rethink your line of work.

However, there are certain professions which are illegal which are only because of our moral or ethical outrage–which is just a polite way of saying our sense of aesthetics–of what we think looks pretty–makes us think we have the right to interfere with your right to work as you will.

Such as sex work.


So this is just a long-winded way of saying that I believe in individuality and the right of each of us to chart our own way through the universe, exercising our ability to reason and to feel as we see fit, so long as it does not radically and directly interfere with others doing the same.

And that right: for each of us to chart our own way through the universe–is inherent in our power of reason and is the only true way we can do true justice to our individuality.

Further, aesthetic considerations: he’s too rich or seems to powerful, her line of work looks ugly or sinful–are just excuses we use to expand the idea of “direct interference” (like punching someone in the nose) to things that displease us. (Like outlawing sex work because it seems immoral and may spread disease–as if the mistake made by a prostitute not taking proper protection is any more dangerous than one mathematical mistake made by a civil engineer that causes a bridge full of pedestrians to collapse into a river.)

Aesthetics, in other words, is no excuse to limit other people’s rights. In fact, it’s one of the most condescending reasons to attempt to limit other people’s rights–and yet we’ve fallen into the habit of judging others based on our own aesthetic framework All. The. Fucking. Time.


I know the following will seem as a surprise, especially in this day and age of perpetual political anger and perpetual political fear being ginned up by fear-mongers who are trying to keep us afraid, angry, and voting without taking a serious look at who we are voting for or what we are supporting.

But when I post about a thing, I’m not shilling for a political party.

I don’t give a shit who you vote for–and really, only marginally care if you vote at all. (I’d prefer it if you think politics are so God-awfully important we need to do something, that you actually get involved yourself by both voting and volunteering to help in the campaign of a politician you support, regardless of party.)

I don’t even think I can change your mind. If I thought you were so weak willed, dear reader, that I could change your mind with a half-dozen hundred-word essays, it would imply that I didn’t think very highly of you.

Nor should you think you can change my mind with a response. Please pay me the same courtesy I pay you.

It’s not that my thinking doesn’t evolve over time. It does, but it will evolve on my schedule as I contemplate the universe around me, and try–as you are–to make sense of it myself.

Nor, really, do I care if you read what I write. Someone will. If you don’t want to read my writings, please unsubscribe unfriend me. (I really wish groups like “Facebook” would call “friending” what it really is: subscribing to someone else’s feed. By calling it “friending” it implies a level of connection that cannot happen in social media, but only in person, over drinks or a good meal.)

Mostly I write what I do because it entertains me, because it helps me gain a deeper understanding of the universe, and because I wish to complain about some very specific issue which I find hypocritical or a violation of my deep-seated notions about what I see as our fundamental rights as human being.

And if I can convince you to just think a little bit about your own ontological stack: about what things you believe are fundamentally important to you and how those beliefs may have surprising consequences in how you see the world–well, bonus. Though I don’t expect that.

After all, you have the right to think as you will.


And if you think that my writing is simply shilling for a particular political party, well, you’re not paying attention.